Wherever I went I met sympathy for our cause and promises of help. The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act. Under the High Command there were Regional Commands which were responsible for the direction of the local sabotage groups. Menial tasks in South Africa are invariably performed by Africans. I hold a Bachelor's Degree in Arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo.
Because of this, there are many Africans who, today, tend to equate freedom with communism. But this is no reason as I shall presently explain why I should not use the place. One cannot turn such a body into the small, closely knit organization required for sabotage. It must not be forgotten that by this time violence had, in fact, become a feature of the South African political scene. My Lord, the history of the world is full of similar examples.
And that was the turning point in my life. Therefore, it is necessary to block the new entrants in the industry. Today I am attracted by the idea of a classless society, an attraction which springs in part from Marxist reading and, in part, from my admiration of the structure and organization of early African societies in this country. Nobody but Hitler would have dared to suggest that such co-operation turned Churchill or Roosevelt into communists or communist tools, or that Britain and America were working to bring about a communist world. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. In 1961 there had been riots in Warmbaths, and all this time the Transkei had been a seething mass of unrest.
Later on, I began to understand that when people died, it meant they were gone forever. I stressed, just as he said, that the most important thing was to study our history - our own history and our own situation. I should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of socialism. The arguments are noteworthy for their clarity and cogency. Nelson Mandela was an icon to some of the black Africans because he symbolized equality and peace although some chose violence over peace many did not fully understand Mandala's idea. The statistics he provides backs this idea, and again gives light to how bad situations were for these people. I had had many debates with him on the role the Communist Party can play at this stage of our struggle.
Up to that time I had been compelled to live indoors during the daytime and could only venture out under cover of darkness. As already indicated, I returned in July 1962 and was arrested in Natal on 5 August. It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to see realised. Why I Am Who I Am Now Life has many things to offer us. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government declares them to be capable o Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there.
One of my instructions, as I went abroad in January 1962, was to raise funds from the African states. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Umkhonto had its first operation on 16 December 1961, when Government buildings in Johannesburg, Port Elizabeth and Durban were attacked. The change was embodied in a decision which was taken to protest against apartheid legislation by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations against certain laws. One of my instructions, as I went abroad in January 1962, was to raise funds from the African states.
As all strikes by Africans are illegal, the person organizing such a strike must avoid arrest. Theoretical differences amongst those fighting against oppression is a luxury we cannot afford at this stage. They are called volunteers because they volunteer to face the penalties of imprisonment and whipping which are now prescribed by the legislature for such acts. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes. Immediately before my arrest in August 1962, I met members of the Regional Command in Durban. One of their early acts, after coming into power, was to stop subsidies for African school feeding.
But, on the contrary, I am an admirer of such a system. I will also have to explain how I became involved in the activities of these organizations. Children wander about the streets of the townships because they have no schools to go to, or no money to enable them to go to school, or no parents at home to see that they go to school, because both parents if there be two have to work to keep the family alive. Bitterness would be kept to a minimum and, if the policy bore fruit, democratic government could become a reality. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence. I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organisation, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. However, resources should also be perfectly non sustainable.
These five forces includes three forces from horizontal competition and two forces from vertical competition. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. According to figures quoted by the South African Institute of Race Relations in its 1963 journal, approximately 40 per cent of African children in the age group between seven to fourteen do not attend school. But before doing so, I wish to revert to certain occurrences said by witnesses to have happened in Port Elizabeth and East London. His educational and work credentials makes him reliable as a speaker, but also makes the audience come to question what led him to his current position. Using the word inferiority really conveys their sense of helplessness within the political arena.
The speech was also used to motivate and inspire the people of South Africa. In 1960-61 the per capita Government spending on African students at State-aided schools was estimated at R12. I will not say whom we spoke to, or what they said, but I wish to deal with the role of the African National Congress in this phase of the struggle, and with the policy and objectives of Umkhonto we Sizwe. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the West and from the East. I hold a bachelor's degree in arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo.