Now let me turn, however, to a more encouraging report on another front. Supplementary to the discussion of the speech, the study of rhetoric need be mentioned. Echoing the sentiments and concerns of the majority at the height of the conflict, President Nixon addressed the disparate issues involving the entire nation in its fight against tyranny, oppression and communism just months after his inauguration. But I feel it is appropriate to do so on this occasion. The first single volume dedicated to this speech, this addition to the distinguished Library of Presidential Rhetoric provides the speech text, a summary of its context, its rhetorical elements, and the disciplinary analyses that have developed. How has this administration changed the policy of the previous administration? By doing this, this brings out the two words better. Some thought Nixon used it as part of the ; others claim it was Nixon's way of dismissing the obvious protests going on around the country, and Nixon's attempt to get other Americans not to listen to the protests.
This speech was a televised broadcast that could be viewed in the comfort of your own home. I have not and do not intend to announce the timetable for our program. It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace, not just in Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world. For the future of peace, precipitate withdrawal would be a disaster of immense magnitude. As a result, our timetable for withdrawal is more optimistic now than when we made our first estimates in June. The silent majority theme has been a contentious issue amongst journalists since Nixon used the phrase.
The appeal ad misericordiam is arguing not on the merits of the issue but on emotions, sympathy and feelings 27. I did not wait for my inauguration to begin my quest for peace. The full text of both letters is being released to the press. In effect, he is saying that his office symbolizes the solution to the protracted problems of the war. We have proposed a cease fire within 1 year. We have not put forth our proposals on a take-it-or-leave-it basis.
I did this outside of the usual diplomatic channels with the hope that with the necessity of making statements for propaganda removed, there might be constructive progress toward bringing the war to an end. It's very little satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the first week in office. If a vocal minority, however fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this Nation has no future as a free society. We are not going to withdraw from that effort. It has become clear that the obstacle in negotiating an end to the war is not the President of the United States.
We have noted the reduced level of infiltration, the reduction of our casualties, and our basing our withdrawal decisions partially on those factors. Such guidelines include a category of the different kinds of form of arguments. However, he was well known for this speech, and people believed it was written very nicely, although not on a nice topic. Rhetorical scholar Karlyn Kohrs Campbell analyzes this critically important speech in light of the historical context and its centrality t. I have initiated a plan of action which will enable me to keep that pledge. We have declared that anything is negotiable, except the right of the people of South Vietnam to determine their own future. It is a plan which will end the war.
But the effect of all the public, private, and secret negotiations which have been undertaken since the bombing halt a year ago and since this administration came into office January 20, can be summed up in one sentence: No progress whatever has been made except agreement on the shape of the bargaining table. In January I could only conclude that the precipitate withdrawal of American forces from Vietnam would be a disaster not only for South Vietnam but for the United States and the cause of peace. Any course dealing with the history of rhetorical criticism probably includes discussion of the debate between Karlyn Kohrs Campbell and Forbes Hill on the role of the critic. And I am glad to be able to report tonight progress on both of these fronts has been greater than we anticipated when we started the program in June for withdrawal. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people. I want peace as much as you do. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved.
Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. At the time of the bombing halt just a year ago, there was some confusion as to whether there was an understanding on the part of the enemy that if we stopped the bombing of North Vietnam they would stop the shelling of cities in South Vietnam. Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen. The time has come to move forward at the conference table toward an early resolution of this tragic war. This withdrawal will be made from strength and not from weakness. In general, the term Silent Majority refers to an unstipulated huge majority of individuals in a country who do not actively participate in politics nor express their own opinions publicly.
And in one memo I mentioned twice the phrase 'silent majority,' and it's double-underlined by Richard Nixon, and it would pop up in 1969 in that great speech that basically made his presidency. Cambreleng, first appearing in the New York Standard, May 12, 1831. In his televised and widely watched speech to the nation on November 3, 1969, Pres. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1893. In a , in a , on a number of other occasions, I set forth our peace proposals in great detail. Tonight I do not tell you that the war in Vietnam is the war to end war. Indeed, the large cause of actions for the growing number of dissenters and protests against the war is rooted on the fact that America was fighting a war not of Her concern.